As the nation turns its eyes to political primary seasons, one of the things voters most dislike is politicians saying one thing to one group and then saying something else to others.
All politicians inevitably pander, and the smart voter needs to review the full body of a candidate’s comments to appreciate where they really stand.
The same challenge often exists with companies. For businesses also try to tell one audience, such as government regulators, one thing and Wall Street another.
Take Sprint. Sprint tells Wall Street it is incredibly well-positioned to thrive in a competitive marketplace, while begging the government to maintain regulations protecting and advantaging it against other competitors.
Start with what Sprint is telling the government: last September, Sprint told the FCC that it needs regulated access (“special access”) to business data lines: “Every one of these sites will require additional backhaul and Sprint and other competitors will depend on both TDM and Ethernet special access more than ever to be able to compete.” Sprint said essentially the same thing in 2013 in the same docket (yes, the “05” in the FCC’s proceeding refers to “2005” – this one has been going on for an absurd length of time).
But to Wall Street, Sprint sings a very different tune: it claims to save money by not relying on FCC-mandated business data circuits and writes, in its filings to the SEC, that it is purchasing alternative, more modern Ethernet circuits in the competitive marketplace. Sprint said that every year from 2011 to 2015, repeating the message that “We are also modifying our existing backhaul architecture to enable increased capacity to our network at a lower cost by utilizing Ethernet as opposed to our existing time division multiplexing (TDM) technology.”
Sprint said that it’s using Ethernet to save money; it’s apparently applying the technology for use as wireless backhaul to reduce its network costs – an effort that BITG analyst Walter Piecyk estimated “could save between $600 million to $1.2 billion a year of network expense.”
Sprint has been offering Ethernet to businesses since 2007. It’s spending money to modernize its own network, selling newer lines to customers, and talking up its technology to both Wall Street and customers. Those are all great things to do in a competitive market (and, in fact, hard evidence of a competitive market), but Sprint still wants the government to keep its hand on the scale.
So Sprint wants to sell service on those newer lines to business data customers, use others for wireless backhaul to save money, and still force its competitors to pay for regulated “special access” lines that rely on outdated technology.
There’s no reason the FCC should fall for such double speak. Sprint does not need special access regulation; it’s merely using this as a tool to increase its competitors’ costs while reducing its own.
Wall Street accepts (and has for several years) that Sprint has made the investments (a 53% increase in 2012, for instance) to make it a competitor in a competitive Ethernet market. It doesn’t need “special access” regulations or special protection from the refs (in this case, the FCC).
Like sophisticated voters, government regulators should consider all of the candidates’ statements, not merely those pandering to a single audience.
Special Access is receiving a lot of attention these days, mainly due to the FCC’s controversial stance on the topic. And now US Telecom has released three white papers on Special Access and the competitiveness of business broadband. Describing the papers, US Telecom’s Walter McCormick said, “These papers document the huge successes in this marketplace, which are exactly the competitive outcome Congress envisioned, and that the FCC has said it wants to see. We hope the FCC will innovate with us by modernizing policy and regulation so industry can leverage the competition we have today to a greater future for tomorrow.”
Late last week, the San Jose Mercury News published an op-ed from our own Rick Boucher and Larry Irving marking the 20th anniversary of the Telecommunications Act of 1996. In the piece, Boucher and Irving discuss how the relatively “light-touch” regulation helped spur broadband growth in America, and how the FCC would be wise to stay the course. An excerpt:
The act’s framers promoted light-touch regulation and a structure that led to an expanding Internet driven by new technologies, devices and applications. These forward-looking Clinton-era policies placed competition and investment as the central catalysts to drive innovation and advance consumer benefits.
Two stark paths now lie before the Federal Communications Commission (FCC): It can advance pro-investment, facilities-based broadband competition or it can discourage investment and broadband build-out.
In 1973, the Edgar Winter Group scored a Top 20 hit with “Free Ride.” In 2016, Competitive Local Exchange Carriers (CLECs) are trying to score a free ride from the FCC via heavy regulation of special access rates.
While the CLECs like to claim there is a monopoly in the business broadband market, investment numbers say otherwise. Hundreds of billions are being invested in broadband networks, and all that money is not coming from CLECs. No wonder they want the FCC to impose heavy regulations on special access. The CLEC business model is to rely on the regulatory hammer to give them access to networks others have built, and as networks across the nation are upgraded to run on all-IP — and businesses require ever-faster broadband — the CLECs are quickly finding their business model is on thin ice — with spring around the corner.
Still, they continue to bend the FCC’s ear, which is why I continue to write about special access. It’s also why the organization US Telecom has launched a new initiative called “Innovate With Us” to remind policymakers that the broadband market in America is thriving across the board, and in order to keep the good times — and investment dollars — rolling, sensible regulations need to be in place. Or, as US Telecom succinctly put it in the intro to the initiative:
[T]he FCC should champion pro-investment policies that work for business customers, not specific companies, and look beyond yesterday’s technologies toward the networks of the future.
“Competition” is one of those words that make policymakers tingle. And yet, time and time again, private industry finds itself wrestling with regulations that not only harm competition but — in the most extreme cases — actively benefit one party over another.
Case in point: wireline broadband competition. Providers have invested billions to expand the reach and speed of their networks, and yet recent actions taken by the FCC are threatening to stifle ongoing investment. But don’t just take my word for it. Check out this latest study from the American Consumer Institute titled “Concentration by Regulation: How the FCC’s Imposition of Asymmetric Regulations Are Hindering Wireline Broadband Competition in America.”
Yes, that title is quite the mouthful (as most study titles are), and to be honest, unless you’re someone who enjoys diving into studies (with charts) on regulations, investment, and the economy, you might find the report’s 18 pages a bit of a slog. But those of us who do read through ACI’s study will find a convincing — and rather damning — case that the FCC is mistepping rather badly as it continues to amass more and more power over broadband. For example, here’s what the report has to say about one of the biggest regulatory marks the Commission made in 2015:
Title II regulations are preserving and maintaining duplicative and costly copper networks. That cost is an impediment to fiber deployment that keeps ILECs more reliant on older copper-based DSL technologies. Instead of the FCC relieving non-dominant ILECs of Title II regulations in more competitive markets, the FCC has recently chosen to make broadband service providers subject to Title II regulations.
Unless there is action soon, the shift in concentration is likely to be permanent. A decade ago, the rollback of asymmetric regulations permitted modest rebound in broadband services for ILECs, because there was brisk growth in subscribers. Today, because the broadband market is so widespread, growing slower and more mature, asymmetric broadband regulation will likely have longer term consequences that could permanently displace and weaken wireline competition. Even if a rebound is possible, ILECs will face a major cost to win back customers. Regulations are costly and delays in lifting these regulations will be even more costly.
Translation: Old regulations that effect some providers and not others are forcing companies like Verizon and AT&T to invest billions in the copper networks of old. Meanwhile, other providers don’t face such regulatory roadblocks, even as they aim to invest in the very same thing legacy providers are investing in — fiber-backed, high-speed broadband networks. Not exactly the spirit of competition, is it?
The ACI study isn’t all doom and gloom for America’s communications infrastructure, though, for the group has thoughtfully included a three bullet points that can help level the playing field:
• Policymakers need to end Title II regulations for all providers.
• There needs to be less emphasis on regulation of wholesale services. Less regulation will encourage more facility-based investments, which will lead to the natural development of a healthy, wholesale market; and
• If regulators truly believe that some regulation of wholesale services is necessary – and that may be the case in some rural markets – then regulators need to apply these regulations on a symmetrical and competitively neutral basis.
In short, get rid of the bad regulations, be careful when imposing new ones, and make sure everyone is playing under the same rules. Wise words, but the question is: Will the FCC listen?
In advocating for new regulations, Net Neutrality proponents have consistently made clear that any new rules should not include rate regulation over Internet access services. For example, when President Obama announced his support for regulating the Internet as a Title II service under the Communications Act, he explicitly stated that such effort should include “forbearing from rate regulation.” Likewise, in applying Title II to broadband last May, FCC Chairman Wheeler stated that the Commission’s net neutrality effort would “forgo sections of Title II that pose a meaningful threat to network investment” and specifically declared that the “goal is not to have rate regulation.” Tomorrow, the House Energy & Commerce Subcommittee on Communications & Technology will consider the bill H.R. 2666, “No Rate Regulation of Broadband Internet Access Act,” aimed at codifying these clearly stated intentions into law.
President Obama and Chairman Wheeler were right to reject rate regulation. Any attempt to introduce pricing rules over the dynamic broadband sector would harm consumers by retarding future network investments. Such actions would also strike a blow to the American economy with lost jobs and decreased productivity. H.R. 2666, authored by Rep. Kinzinger, offers a smart, protective measure to help continue the virtuous cycle of innovation that has fueled the Internet’s success. If enacted, his bill would turn the stated intentions of President Obama and Chairman Wheeler into law.
And adopting that law would remove a substantial part of the uncertainty stemming from Title II reclassification of broadband and have the highly positive effect of giving broadband providers greater confidence to increase network investments.
Technological advancement is synonymous with American ingenuity. Successful bi-partisan, light-touch regulatory policies over the past two decades have made the American technology sector the envy of the world, increasing competition, spurring innovation and inviting greater private investment. These polices opened the door to Gigabit level network deployments by AT&T, Comcast, CenturyLink and Google Fiber, and these advances have increased broadband throughput tenfold and made high-bandwidth streaming easier for consumer connected devices.
The subcommittee should approve H.R. 2666, which would bar the FCC from regulating the prices charged for broadband. Without legislation, no guarantee exists to prevent future Commissions from rate regulating the Internet. Congressional action in this area is welcome given that promises are mere words until they are set in stone by statute.
In the final installment of Larry Irving’s Title II discussion, he talks about the role he believes Congress should play in preserving the open Internet, and whether Congress should seek a bi-partisan compromise on net neutrality.
Our Co-Chairman Larry Irving has recorded a series of videos for our Let’s Get Nerdy series on net neutrality, Title II, and the potential for Congressional action. Here, he talks about the approach to tech policy during his time with the Clinton Administration, and whether there are lessons from then that should be applied today.
In this bonus edition of Let’s Get Nerdy, our Co-Chairman Bruce Mehlman breaks down how the business special access marketplace has changed since the 1990s, and discusses whether FCC special access rules are still necessary.
A new paper from Anna-Maria Kovacs, Ph.D., CFA published by the Georgetown Center for Business and Public Policy makes a convincing case that the FCC can save hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars as it reboots Lifeline for the broadband age.
The full paper, “Regulation in Financial Translation: Rebooting Lifeline for Broadband,” is available for download, but here are some highlights:
The FCC’s FNPRM states that the FCC seeks to make the program more efficient by “targeting support to those low-income consumers who really need it while at the same time shifting the burden of determining consumer eligibility for Lifeline support from the provider. We further see to leverage efficiencies from other existing federal programs and expand our outreach efforts.” An effective way to accomplish this goal is to link Lifeline to SNAP [Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program] for eligibility verification and enrollment.
As Kovacs points out in the paper, reducing waste, fraud and abuse of the Lifeline program is important. But just as important is ensuring those reduction efforts aren’t duplicative. Again, from the report:
As the FCC’s FNPRM indicates, the job of verifying that households have low-income is already being verified by other federal agencies. Most notably, the USDA verifies the eligibility of those households that quality for SNAP. SNAP not only enrolls those households whose low income qualifies them, but de-enrolls them if their income rises. In other words, SNAP already does the job the FCC duplicates at a cost of roughly $600 million. Thus, the first argument for relying on SNAP for eligibility verification is that doing so would save roughly $600 million in wasted administrative efforts.
$600 million is obviously a lot of savings. But as Kovacs goes on to note, the benefits of linking Lifeline to SNAP go beyond the monetary because:
It would provide automatic enrollment for low-income households that need Lifeline, and make it easier for them to apply the discount to the technology and provider of their choice. By making it easier for both providers and low-income households to participate in Lifeline, the FCC would also enhance competition.
With bipartisan support in Congress, the FCC now has a unique opportunity to completely overhaul and reshape the program for the 21st century. The central challenge is to add broadband as a Lifeline benefit without a significant increase in program costs. Tinkering with the existing program or making minor modifications to program administration at the edges will likely fail to deliver the promise of ubiquitous and modern high-speed broadband access for low-income consumers.
Is broadband a social determinant of health? Prominent health care leaders, practitioners, and researchers came together last week in Detroit to answer that question during a discussion that I co-moderated with Federal Communications Commissioner (FCC) Mignon Clyburn. The FCC Connect2Health Task Force’s Broadband Health Tech Forum was part of its “Beyond the Beltway” series, which is encouraging efforts to improve healthcare in communities across the nation.
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), your zip code is a greater indicator of your health than your genetic code. Why? The quality and availability of care is vastly different based on where you live.
Low-income Americans are at a distinct disadvantage for managing chronic diseases, for example. Heart disease and diabetes are among the top 10 causes of death in the African-American community, and Latinos are challenged by a 66 percent higher rate of diabetes than Caucasians. Thankfully, there’s consensus that technology can go a long way toward closing the health divide.
The digital divide is directly linked to the health divide. Without Internet connectivity, people lack the tools that they need to become educated on critical health issues, to find nearby healthcare providers, and to take advantage of the exciting health applications and tools that are available. While some Americans with diabetes are using Internet-connected devices like AgaMatrix to monitor blood glucose, others are left in the dark. Broadband empowers underserved populations to take charge of their health.
One panelist pointed out that the digital divide is creating health problems in unexpected ways. Many Americans who lack broadband at home are going to the local McDonald’s to use the Internet. To do so, they’re required to purchase at least one item. Imagine how your health would be impacted if you were drinking super-sized soft drinks and eating Big Macs every time you wanted to check your email.
During the discussion in Detroit, Commissioner Clyburn emphasized the importance of adding broadband to the federal Lifeline program as part of the Commission’s reform efforts. Making the subsidy available for high-speed Internet will help close the digital divide and – bonus – concurrently shrink the health divide. Modernizing the Lifeline program is a key to improving access to health care services, regardless of socio-economic background or geographic location.
The goal of the Broadband Health Tech Forum in Detroit was to start a critical conversation that translates into action – and it appears that the event did just that. Panelists and audience members alike were inspired, vowing to stay connected and work together toward solutions. Broadband is a social determinant of health. In fact, it’s foundational for health equity.
In his debut post at Medium, our Co-Chairman Larry Irving writes about bringing the Lifeline program into the digital age. An excerpt:
The Lifeline Program, which was extended to wireless phones in 2005, now provides phone service to 14 million people. But times have changed, and the telephone no longer is the principle tool of communication for many Americans. Broadband Internet is now a critical part of our communications infrastructure. In 2015, broadband Internet is as essential as basic telephone service was in 1985. It is time that our Lifeline policies reflect that reality.
Fortunately, members of the FCC recognize the need for updating Lifeline policies. Commissioners Mignon Clyburn and Jessica Rosenworcel, in particular, have outlined thoughtful approaches that can help bring the Lifeline Program into the 21st Century.
Late last week, our Co-Chairman Bruce Mehlman penned an op-ed for Morning Consult on the need for the FCC to rely on data as it reforms special access. An excerpt:
For a decade, the FCC has had an effective policy of “new wires, new rules.” Relying on that policy, the Incumbent Local Exchange Carriers – even though forced by the special access rules to subsidize a second network of non-competitive older technology – eagerly invested billions to roll out the faster broadband network people want to compete with cable, wireless and fiber networks. Now, some CLECs want to toss deregulation out the window, changing the rules in midstream without a formal data analysis and imperiling that needed investment.
That’s just wrong. Why would the FCC want to re-impose regulation on a competitive environment without understanding the marketplace? And what about the ILECs’ reliance on the FCC’s regulatory promise of “new rules” for new wires – does that just get washed away?
In an opinion piece for Multichannel News, our Honorary Chairman Rick Boucher makes the case for shifting Lifeline into the world of EBT:
To spur competition by encouraging a larger number of carriers to participate in the program and to give consumers the most flexible way to choose from among competing carriers, we support moving the Lifeline subsidy to an electronic benefit transfer (EBT) card.
Putting the Lifeline benefit on an EBT card and asking the states to confirm eligibility would empower consumers in the marketplace and help prevent fraud. Yet even as many states have adopted the convenience and accountability of moving government-provided benefits to an EBT card, some still resist this change for Lifeline.
They contend that EBT cards would burden certain beneficiaries, such as the elderly, disabled and rural poor, based on an incorrect assumption that the cards would have to be swiped at a retail location on a regular basis.
Let’s review how eligibility determinations and EBT cards would work in practice under a new Lifeline program.
Recently, our Co-Chairman Bruce Mehlman talked with Amir Nasr of the Morning Consult about the problems with the FCC’s pricing rules for high-grade network lines. An excerpt:
FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler said the rule “preserves competitive choices as the technology transitions move forward… Competitive providers rely on these inputs to serve hundreds of thousands of businesses and other enterprise customers at competitive rates, often offering customized services not offered by incumbents.”
Mehlman said some in the industry are frustrated at the FCC’s apparent shift in thinking after the agency left the matter alone for over a decade. “They promised no regulation for over 10 years, and now they’re proposing to fundamentally change the game,” he said.
FCC Commissioner Ajit Pai, a Republican and outspoken adversary to the agency’s Democractic majority, decried the pricing proposal in a recent speech at the center-right American Enterprise Institute. “These regulatory roadblocks are bad for consumers, bad for infrastructure investment, and bad for our nation’s economic competitiveness,” he said.
Mehlman concurred. “As long as you have regulations on some providers, forcing them to help their competitors at regulated rates, you will have less investment because there is a meaningfully lower return,” he said.
Over at CNBC, Co-Chairman Jamal Simmons highlights the role of broadband access in closing America’s “homework gap.” An excerpt:
One way to make sure students from all backgrounds have the strongest start is by closing what Federal Communications Commissioner Jessica Rosenworcel calls the “homework gap,” which impacts students in five million American households. These students from low-income families have less regular access to broadband Internet at home than their peers from wealthier households, making completing homework assignments tougher.
FCC Commissioner Mignon Clyburn has proposed revamping the Lifeline program as one way to help close this gap. Started during the Reagan administration, Lifeline was created to help low-income Americans get access to telephone service. As mobile phones became more ubiquitous, the George W. Bush administration expanded the program to allow Americans to choose wireless phone service under Lifeline. Today, broadband is the critical service that connects Americans to jobs, health care, entertainment and family, and the current FCC should allow the Lifeline program to evolve again.
In addition to expanding Lifeline to cover broadband, you can read IIA’s specific recommendations for modernization of the Lifeline program in the full op-ed at CNBC.
When the FCC moved forward with Title II reclassification, proponents of the regulations claimed it would lead to more investment and more competition in the cable and broadband industries. But as Dow Jones reports, that’s already being proven wrong:
In May, Cablevision Systems Corp. Chief Executive James Dolan publicly implied that his family-controlled company could be a prime acquisition candidate amid needed cable-industry consolidation.
Nobody on Wall Street or in the media world knew how seriously to take the comments, made at an industry convention. After all, the Dolans had been at the altar in the past, but price was an obstacle and it wasn’t clear if the family would part with its core asset.
Why is Dolan selling Cablevision? Among the reasons:
People familiar with the Dolans’ thinking said the price was too good to pass up, and they believe Mr. Drahi will be a good steward. Another issue: Charles “Chuck” Dolan sees certain industry developments, such as utility-style “net neutrality” regulations and cable “cord-cutting,” as negatives for the future, making it a good time to cash out, people familiar with his thinking said.
As for what the sale will mean for the industry, and consumers:
As the Dolans bow out of Cablevision, the cable industry will lose a formidable contrarian voice. Because of its family-controlled roots, Cablevision wasn’t afraid to take different paths from its larger cable peers. It was the first operator to deploy tens of thousands of outdoor Wi-Fi hotspots, allowing it to offer an alternative to cellular phone service that transmits calls over Wi-Fi. It also fought a landmark legal battle against major media companies that legalized the cloud-based digital video recorder. It took on Viacom Inc. in court to press for the right to “unbundle” TV channel packages, a case that is pending.
Exciting news for those who appreciate how vibrant and competitive today’s telecommunications market is… and perhaps even bigger news for those who don’t yet believe it.
According to this morning’s Wall Street Journal, Comcast has set up a new unit to sell data services to large businesses across the country, including (and this is the important part) outside Comcast’s regular footprint, by negotiating wholesale agreements with other cable providers to sell Comcast data services. In short, the cable guys are taking on the telco guys and setting up a new national provider to offer meaningful competition, so that national businesses would be able to choose cable as an alternative where they have been reluctant to do so before.
As the Journal notes, the new arrangement “threaten[s] the longtime status quo in the cable industry, where operators historically haven’t competed with each other for customers in the same geographic area.”
Some industry observers anticipated this move. As I wrote in the spring, an article in FierceWireless commented that cable is entering the special access market, claiming that “[t]he presence of cable operators could potentially shake up the wholesale special access space where incumbent telcos… have enjoyed a monopoly position for decades.”
Actually, I was wrong — I thought that cable might seek a more mid-market position rather than going after the largest customers, but now cable is doing just that, even more proof of the competitive nature of the market.
So the question naturally arises: if Comcast can do this, why can’t the CLECs who are pleading for continued “special access” regulation? Why can’t the CLECs challenge their own “status quo” as well? CLECs still maintain that they want to continue their current business model, forcing network providers to subsidize their antiquated, copper-based technology, for “decades” more (even though the transition to an all IP-network is supposed to happen this decade). Even worse, they now seek to expand their price regulated access to new fiber facilities built by investment not traditionally subject to regulation.
Comcast estimates the potential size of this new market at $40 billion. By any standard, that’s real money. It’s another nail in the coffin of an old uneconomic business model that is being propped up only by regulation. Why wouldn’t the CLECs want to go for that market rather than relying on a protected business model selling antiquated technology?
And isn’t it time for the FCC to note what’s happening in the marketplace?
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